CONTEXTUALIZING
WITH THAI FOLK BUDDHISTS
Paul H. DeNeui
works
in development and church planting
among the Isaan people in Northeast Thailand
with the Evangelical Covenant Church
Published in Global Missiology, Contextualization,
October 2004, www.globalmissiology.net
Purpose: The
purpose of this paper is to facilitate better communication of Jesus Christ to
Thai Folk
Buddhists through understanding their syncretistic worldview.
Table of Contents
Introduction 3
What is Folk Buddhism?
An Historical
Overview from Old Siam 4
Missiological
Approaches to Thai Folk Buddhism 5
Understanding the Thai
Folk Buddhist World View 6
How Does Thai Folk
Buddhism Help People?
It Promises Power – at
a Price 7
It Counterfeits Christ 9
What Can We Learn from Thai Folk Buddhists?
The Need for a Holistic Approach 10
Communication Involves
All Signal Systems 11
Most Barriers are
Social not Religious 13
Recognizing the Reality of Power in the Spirit
World 15
Conclusion 16
Appendices
1.
Tambiah’s Overview of Thai Folk Buddhism 17
2.
Christ’s Claims and the Claims of Counterfeits 18
3.
Claims of Others About Christ and the Claims of
Counterfeits 19
4.
C1-C6 Spectrum for Folk Buddhism 20
Bibliography 23
Introduction
Grandmother Somlee1,
born and raised in a province of northeast Thailand, had a reputation as a medicine woman. She had been endowed by spiritual
powers to be able to find yah phii bawk, (spirit-delivered medicines). Through spiritual interaction it was
revealed to her where certain herbs
and plants grew and by mixing these together into potions also revealed to her
she had been able to cure ailments, prevent miscarriages and bring about
healings in several cases. All of these “acquired
skills” came to her not from the study of books or from other human sources but
from the spiritual interaction she
had with the spirit of her area’s territorial power, called the Chao Phua located in the city pillar shrine of her
province.
In another nearby
village lived a man named Father Niran. He was a village elder and well-known musician in his district. He had no formal
training in music but knew how to play the Lao bamboo wind instrument known as the kaen. This instrument is widely used throughout the Lao-speaking region of northeastern Thailand
(known as Isaan) at every good social event to provide the musical entertainment which delights the heart of these
people. Father Niran, however, was not
an entertainer. He did one thing with his playing which was known as bpao
phii faa,
(calling up the sky spirits). This was a specific ceremony for the sick where
he would play a lively tune into the
ear of the ill to induce the spirit of the patient to revive and get up and dance. It could be elaborately lengthened depending
upon the need. It was also the only tune which Father Niran knew how to play.
Are Thai people truly
Buddhists? The answer to this would depend upon whom you were asking. Certainly the average Thai would answer
that, “To be Thai is to be Buddhist.” But what is Thai Buddhism? Many
missionaries have been surprised upon their arrival to Thailand to discover
that despite what they have read in books2, Thai Buddhism as it is
lived and practiced is actually a conglomeration of many religions and beliefs3.
It is a syncretistic mix that is flexible, accommodating
and dynamic. If the Thai are pure Buddhists then why the proliferation of
spirit houses in front of many
hotels, businesses and homes4? Why the profusion of the sale of
amulets and charms often by Buddhist
monks themselves? Why are tattoos still popular for spiritual protection? What,
of all of this, is Thai Buddhism and what is not?
The author spent fourteen years in the northeast
region of Thailand, known as Isaan, working in a team ministry with Isaan believers and has grown to deeply appreciate
the cultural forms that are
1 Though the actual names of the people in these stories
have been changed the author personally knew these individuals and their
stories are true.
2 Kosuke Koyama in his book, Waterbuffalo
Theology, describes “Thai Buddhism as, perhaps, the purest form of Buddhism
practiced in the world today” (Koyama 1974:129).
3
“Brahmanical” rites, spirit cults and Buddhist rites ...form an interrelated
set, with different values being attached to them in a single religious field
(Tambiah 1984:381).
4 “The guardian spirits...have village as well as
regional significance, and the cult associated with them comprises a ritual
complex that has an important place in the totality of religious behavior of
the villagers. It is the phenomenon which
some writers have called “animism” and which with pseudo-historical conjecture
they have identified as pre-Buddhist.
Moreover, they have variously treated it both as incompatible with, Buddhism.
In actual fact its
relationship to
Buddhism is not simple but complex, involving opposition, complementarity,
linkage, and hierarchy” (Tambiah 1970:263).
distinctive for
this people group. Believing, therefore, that God can use many means to build
his kingdom this paper is submitted with the
goal that it facilitate better communication of Jesus Christ to the Thai,
through understanding their syncretistic worldview and through reviewing some contextualized practices that speak to the
heart of the Thai Folk Buddhist.
What is Thai Folk Buddhism? An Historical
Overview from Old Siam
The Thai people have a
long history of cultural and religious accommodation. The earliest racial group
known as the “Thai 5” is thought to have come into existence around
the sixth century BC along the
southern border of China, east of the Mekong river (Gustafson 1970:18). Some theorize that these early peoples were animistic6,
though this is debated.7 Archaeologists have recovered evidence of Buddhist inscriptions in both
Chinese and Sanskrit in this region dating from about the eleventh century. This would establish the date of
existence of Mahayana Buddhism8
within this people group from this time (Gustafson 1970:18). As the Thai people
migrated south in the thirteenth
century they added the cultural and religious elements of the Mon-Khmer peoples whom they encountered and
perhaps adopted their animistic practices (HRAF 1956:26).
The history of the
modern Thai people is first documented by King Rama Khamhaeng (1283- 1317 AD) the founder of the Sukhothai kingdom and
inventor of the modern Thai alphabet. During
the late thirteenth century Theravada Buddhist monks from Ceylon settled in
southern Thailand and their influence eventually caught the attention of the
Sukhothai king (Gustafson 1970:22). In
1292, Rama Khamhaeng, by this time a devoted follower of the Theravada sect, made an inscription proclaiming the official
religion of the Sukhothai kingdom to be the Theravada form of Buddhism. At the same time he continued his regular
sojourns to the spirit of the hill
located on the south side of the city of Sukhothai9 (Gustafson
1970:25). Animism, or primal religious
practices10, and Theravada Buddhism existed comfortably together.
Later, along with animistic
practices, Brahmanistic rituals from Indian Hinduism were also incorporated
into Thai Buddhism. Today, the same vocabulary used in Buddhism is used in Brahman
traditions and it is impossible to separate the two. “It is unthinkable in
Thailand that a local brahman can be
outside the Buddhist faith, or that his rites and those of the monk can be
5 The
name “Thai” means “free.” This expressed desire for independence was shown
early in their history as they migrated southward to escape conditions that
might have led to them becoming vassals to the Chinese (Gustafson 1970:18).
6 The
term “animism” was originated by Edward B. Tylor in 1873 in Religion in
Primitive Cultures and defined as, “the doctrine of Spiritual Beings. This
includes the belief in souls and in a future state, in controlling deities and subordinate spirits,
..resulting in some kind of active worship” ( Van Rheenen 1991:19).
7
This is based on what Tambiah labels, “pseudo -historical conjecture (which)
they have identified as pre-Buddhist” (Tambiah 1970:263).
8 The history of the Mahayana tradition of
Buddhism in China is dealt with in other literature.
9 The Manansila inscription now kept in the
Chapel of the Emerald Buddha in Bangkok reads, “To the south of the city of Sukhothai..there are monasteries and
sanctuaries wherein monks reside; ..there is a s pring by the hill; there is the spirit of the hill, greater than all the
others spirits. Whichever monarch rules..Sukhothai, if he renders proper respect and due offerings thereto, then this state
is stable and prosperous; if however, he renders improper respect and
offerings the spirit neither protects nor respects him; and the state comes to
calamity” (Gustafson 1970:26).
10
Animism is considered a pejorative term among anthropologists today. The
preferred term is “primal religion.”
mutually exclusive” (Tambiah 1970:256). Following
the Thai tradition of accommodation, animistic
practices, Brahmanistic beliefs and Buddhist foundations have all been combined
to make an interesting, and sometimes contradictory conglomerate, one that can
be labeled Thai Folk Buddhism. Attempts to diagram this integration can
be seen in Appendix I done by Harvard University
Anthropologist, Dr. Stanley J. Tambiah. This brief paper does not allow for a thorough exploration of the interrelationship
between the so-called “higher” religion of Buddhism and the so-called “lower” prima l practices of supposedly
pre-Buddhist animism. These issues have been dealt with extensively
elsewhere11. The fact that Thai Folk Buddhism is syncretistic is problematic only for a devout few.
Most Thai people have a pragmatic view that whatever works for them in their area is what is practiced.12
What
is the practice of Folk Buddhism in modern Thailand? While the external
manifestations of Theravada Buddhism are highly
visible around the country (temples, monks walking in the morning)
in reality much of the actual practice follows animistic tradition. Animism, or
the preferred term of primal religion, can be defined as,
The
belief that personal spiritual beings and impersonal spiritual forces have power
over human affairs and, consequently, that human beings must discover what
beings and forces are influencing them in order to determine future action and
frequently, to manipulate their power (Van Rheenen 1991:19).
Missiological
Approaches to Thai Folk Buddhism
Early missiologists
took an evolutionary view towards animism that it was a “lower form of pre - logical primitive thought” and believed it would
soon be replaced by one of the “higher” formal religions, preferably
Christianity (Hiebert 1999:76). The German missionary Johanna Warneck’s 1922
volume entitled The Living Christ and Dying
Heathenism is an example.
Describing his experiences among “animistic heathendom” in the Indian
Archipelago, he strongly argued for the “spiritual
superiority” of Christianity as viewed in terms of its “civilizing power.” It
was clear to him that the “dull eyes
of the heathen (would recognize) the e arthly blessings that accompany Christianity,
and thereby learn to value the new religion”13 (Warneck 1922:18,
165). The reality, however, proved to be
different. Neither “ higher religion” nor modern scientific discovery have caused animistic practices to diminish. Anthropologist
Robert H. Lowie writes,
(Science)
is admittedly our best possible instrument for controlling physical
environment and for formulating
ideas of the material world. But it does not at all follow
that it is soul-satisfying, or that it can serve as a basis for moral
11 The
relationship between Buddhism, Brahmanism and animism is covered in detail in
Tamiah’s work Buddhism and the Spirit Cults of Northeast Thailand. Thai
syncretism is covered in Gustafson’s Syncretistic Rural Thai Buddhism. A thorough reporting of the use of the string-tying ceremonies for
propitiation of the khwan (life-spirit) done by Stephen K. Bailey
Worldview Themes in Lao Khwan Rituals.
12
Worldwide the response to the Christian message has been one of pragmatism. As
Dr. Kraft shared during his early experience as a missionary
in Nigeria upon asking the church leaders why they still went to the village
shaman when they encountered problems, “Oh, we believe in Jesus, but we go to
the shaman because things happen faster” (Private conversation
November 15, 2001).
13 “A kindred fact in the divine leading, which
cannot fail to open up the way for the Gospel among the indifferent heathen, is the superiority of the white race that
brings them the gospel. That race takes a dominant position everywhere in the heathen world”(Warneck
1922:165).
action...What the
normal human being wants is peace, security 14, and relations.
And
he can never find these things in that dynamic, ever-growing, ever-disturbing thing
that we have found science to be (Lehmen 1985:23).
Much of traditional
Christian missionary effort has followed a western rationalist approach and has thus divorced itself from addressing many of
the issues that are between science and religion. This area has been labeled the `excluded middle”
and has bee n well explained by Dr. Paul Hiebert (Hiebert 1994:189-202). Religion has been and continues to be
the place where many in the world find
their sense of security. If, however, the traditional higher religions (as
defined by the evolutionary
understanding of religions15) fail to provide the sense of security
needed, the adherents may return to
primary religious practices (animism) in their attempt to have their deeper, urgent needs addressed.
Understanding
the Thai Folk Buddhist Worldview
Theravada Buddhism and
its practices deal primarily with death. The making of merit in Buddhism, apart from its social ramifications, is
not primarily for those living today but for the future - either for the benefit of future reincarnations of the living or
to benefit those already dead.
Animistic practices, on the other hand, address the issues of the here and now.
For the majority of Thai people, both
rural and urban,16 although a clear distinction would not be
relevant to them, it is the practice
of animism within their Buddhist context that provides a sense of security
for the present, something that science and traditional western religious
practices tend to ignore.17
Animism is the means of dealing with what is important for living life today.
Within
Buddhism religious action is phrased in terms of the ideology of bun
(merit)-when
one gives gifts to the monks or the temple (wat) one
receives merit;
but when one propitiates
or placates Chao Phua (territorial or regional
spirits)...villagers
explicitly consider the transaction as a bargain, an
offering made to gain a particular favor, generally to remove an
affliction caused by the phii (spirit)
because of an offense committed (Tambiah 1970:270).
How
Does Folk Buddhism Help People?
As a girl worshipping at the city
pillar Somlii heard a voice that spoke to her. `If you worship me, I will give
you power.” As a poor, uneducated girl this had some appeal. She decided to submit
to this authority. She was given a promise of future abilities and eventually
these came – but not for free. In the earliest years the simple
donation of a candle or joss stick at the city pillar was
sufficient. As her powers in herbal remedies increased, however, the
requirements to return the favor also increased proportionally. More expensive
gifts were required to be offered to the
14 Elementary to human beings around the world is
the need for security. After Sept. 11th one of the first actions taken
by the United States’ president was to establish `The Office of Homeland
Security.” For most people, however, a sense of personal security is not found
in weapons technology or military strength.
15 To summarize, the evolutionary theory of religion
basically states that religions evolve from simple animistic beliefs and
practices to the complex religions of the present. This is attributed to the
growth of human rationality(Hiebert 1999:17).
16
Refer to Hard’s article `Does Animism Die in the City?” for an interesting
Korean equivalent (Hard 1989:45).
17 The
`excluded middle” concept deals with these issues in detail ( Hiebert
1994:189-202).
spirit. If at any time she failed
Somlii would suffer severe headaches and chest pains. These symptoms became even
stronger and more frequent as her popularity, power with medicine and success increased. This knowledge came at a price.
Father
Niran could bpao phii faa on
the bamboo kaen and bring the sick back to health
– but there were personal requirements for him. He also gave offerings to
spirits but for him there was added a dietary restriction: he could never eat
any winged creature. No bird or fowl of any kind, neither
domestic nor wild, could be in his meals. Not even the fruit bats, a popular
food source in Isaan, could he eat. If, even unknowingly, he
broke this taboo, he would suffer from severe intestinal
pains for a period of days. The spirit of the sky exacted this price from him
as long as he continued to play its song on the kaen.
Folk Buddhism Promises Power – at a Price
Buddhism,
with its system of regulations and rituals, can be understood in the
traditional religious sense. Animistic practices, however,
with their emphasis on the present, are more involved in their
requirements to the `gods 18” from which the appeal is made. The
price is much higher for a deeper sense of
either security or some form of power. It is not uncommon for those who
`receive power through a revelation also receive usually at least one and
perhaps more life - long and onerous
restrictions”19 (Lehman 1985:21). Within animism, power does not
come without a corresponding price.
The forms of these onerous
restrictions vary from person to person but clearly there is a price that
must be paid for assistance from
the spirit world. The higher the involvement the greater the
price required. Sometimes these restrictions are taboos,
as in the case of Niran20.
A
taboo..is a ban or prohibition..which restricts the human uses of things and
people.
Some of the taboos are said to avoid punishment or vengeance from gods, ghosts
and others spirits. Some of them are supposed to produce automatically
their dreaded effects. Crop failures, sickness,
hunting accidents, famine, drought, epidemic (events in the physical realm),
they may all result from breach of taboos (Douglas
in Lehman 1985: 64, 66).
In other cases the restrictions
may involve lifestyle issues for the person who has been empowered.
Very often there will be restrictions against sexual intercourse or immorality.
The
18 An in-depth treatment of the demonology of Thai
gods is found in Attagara (1967:39-95). A good summary is found in
Hiebert (1999:56-57).
19 Lowie illustrates, `One old man of my
acquaintance (among the Plains Indians) had not ridd en a horse since the day of his vision thirty-years earlier, for the
spirit had forbidden him to do so. He trudge on foot..Another Indian had been forbidden to eat eggs and was a constant
nuisance because he would not eat anything unless he personally supervised its preparation, lest the cook slip in
an egg without his knowledge. And a third was forbidden to touch salmon, one of
the Crows’ few delicacies; on one occasion he ate a mixture of prepared fish
without knowing there was salmon there and attributed the following eleven
years of rheumatism to his unwitting breaking of his taboo” (Lehman
1958:21).
20 Other documentation of taboo
restrictions are listed. `Wanthong (a northeastern Thai village medium in Udon Thani province) observed certain food taboos
which are required by his divining work”(Tambiah 1970:272). Also see
note 18 above.
penalty for disobedience can vary
in forms from physical, emotional or spiritual. Individuals with
these special powers have invited the power to dwell in them and can themselves
become a force both for good or evil.
Village theory is that a
man or woman who is a mau wicha, an expert in the magical arts of love magic, or protective magic
(such as making amulets that
make
the wearer bullet-proof), or control of epidemics (like cholera), is the person
who is prone to harbor a phii
paub21, if he acts immorally or
contravenes taboos
associated with his dangerous but potent art.
Since his special powers derive from this
secret knowledge of charms and spells, it is said that under certain conditions
these spells themselves turn into phii
paub. Typical circumstances that
lead to
this
transformation are (1) if a mau wicha discontinues his practice; (2) if
he uses spells immorally by causing diseases
in people rather than curing them, or if he
exploits his
patients by charging excessive fees (the accusation here being that he himself sends disease in order to extract fees);
(3) if he fails to respect and propitiate
his teacher; or (4) if he breaks food taboos associated with his
profession... All
controllers of magical powers (mau wicha) and all exorcists (mau tham) are
said to have special food taboos associated with their practice..Such powers
have their use in society and must be kept available for those who need
them. But, at the same time, such powers are in
themselves dangerous; they are a double-edged
sword, cutting both ways. He who dabbles in them in order to control spirits is in danger of becoming their
victim or agent. Thus a man who learns
to control disease through spells may himself sometimes send or cause disease; a man who gives love magic to dearest
lovers may himself come to fornicate
with village wives; the man who exorcises malevolent spirits may himself become a sorcerer sending spirits to
possess his enemies (Tambiah 1970:318-319).
The
localization of spirit power in specific designations, such as the city pillar
for Grandma Somlii, is very common throughout the country of
Thailand. Like that found in the earlier Sukhothai
kingdom of Rama Khamhaeng, the city pillar is the localization of a territorial
spirit to whom the authorities and the locals look for protection and granting of
favors. These were often constructed with
human sacrifice (Terwiel 1976:160ff). The most famous in Thailand is the Bangkok city pillar.
The
lak mueang
is the “pillar of the city” of Bangkok; because it is the foundation pillar of the country’s capital city, it is a focal
point for the country as a whole. The
Bangkok pillar was installed in 1792 as the very beginning of the Chakkri dynasty22. The pillar is placed in the
center of a shrine, where also reside the guardian deities of the capital. The lak
mueang is not unique to Bangkok.
Many of the provincial cities of
Thailand have city pillars and shrines associated with them..The guardian spirit associated with the
pillar is believed to protect the locality
or territory that constitutes the mueang. Today the pillar shrine at Bangkok is considered to be the foremost in the
country. Hundreds of people
21
Description of phii paub (a haunting spirit) found in Tambiah 1970:321.
22 Chakkri is the name of the present reigning
dynasty of Thailand. The present monarch, His Majesty Bumiphol Adulyadeh is ninth in the Chakkri dynasty and
known as Rama the 9th.
flock to the shrine every day to
ask for favors from the pillar and the deities and
propitiated them with flowers, candlesticks, joss
sticks, silk scarves, gold leaf, and food
and drink for favors granted. The pillar is personified and referred to as “Cao Phau,” which, literally meaning honored father, is the
usual reference and address term for
a guardian deity (Tambiah 1984:244).
Folk Buddhism Counterfeits Christ
In the
northeast region of Thailand animistic practices within Folk Buddhism address
some of the heart issues of Thai people by providing them with
a source of power they believe will assist them
in life. A careful study of what is actually happening will show that much of
what is being “offered” is a very clever counterfeit to what is
found in Jesus Christ. To cope with the many uncertainties
of life an appeal to the spirits provides an attempt to appease or in some way connect
with those forces seen to be “in control.”
Though
primitive religions do tend to help (people) to adjust to the universe by
giving them some sense of control, thus eliminating
certain elements of fear, they do not
actually solve this problem of meeting life’s crises. The trouble is that
elemental fear of the immediate,
primary danger is only transferred to a secondary agent of concern, namely,
the spirits themselves, who cannot ultimately be trusted. Though fear demands a more highly charged response
than does trust,
nevertheless, in the ultimate analysis, the fear
of largely irresponsible spirits is no competition
to trust in a loving, heavenly Father (Nida 1959:58).
The
language used is not coincidental. The spirit pillars are called “Cao
Phau” (“honored father”) and sometimes “ Cao Mee” (“honored mother 23”).
The assumption that these forces will care
for the practitioner in a “parental” beneficent manner disguises the reality of
spiritual enslavement. The Thai Folk
Buddhist refers to an ultimate power or being as Pra
Cao, often used verbally only as an
exclamatory in times of distress or shock, as in “Pra
Cao chuay!” (“O God,
Help me!”) This does not indicate a relationship, merely an obscure awareness.
The gods (or God) therefore, are far away, but the spirits are referred
to more intimately as Respected Father and Mother. Eventually the
spirits with which the devotee relates delegates an authority back to the
spirit and it becomes for him or her “a god.”
From the beginning there is an attempt by
(humanity) to place himself in the right relationship to unseen powers, to deprecate their hostility and to secure
their good will. With deliberate acts
of worship we come to a personal approach to the spirits and often they are regarded as gods (Harris 1960:14).
The
promise of a presence upon which to rely has deep appeal within the human
psyche.
The spirit world demonstrates
abilities which appeal (spirit of light) and makes promises that directly
replace what Christ has offered. Animistic practices appear to guarantee (to the
faithful) an ability to deal with life that won’t fail or
leave. In direct replacement to what Christ has promised
(“I am with you always” Matthew 28:20, Acts 18:10). The true source of light
(John
23 “Cao Mee” at the south end of the Bung Kaen
Nakorn park in the city district of Khon Kaen province is an example. Yai (Grandmother) Mo, an Isaan war
heroine from the 14th century in Korat province is another.
8:12)
is counterfeited by false angels of Light; the false servants masquerade as
servants of righteousness (2 Cor. 11:14-15). The appeal of a
helper is there; the reality is false.
Perhaps the main appeal
from many animistic practices of Folk Buddhism is to somehow know more, experience more, or gain more control than
that possessed by the average human being. In fact, for however brief or long the period, the goal with connecting to
this “power source” is to somehow
allow the follower to become like God. This is the most ancient strategy
employed by satanic powers known in
scripture (Genesis 3:5) and directly counterfeits the work of Christ who, being God, became human in order to allow all of
humanity to experience the fullness of God in him (John 1:14, Colossians 1:19,20).
Spiritual powers
continually seek and demand worship from their followers (Matthew 4:8-9) at ever increasing expense. This obvious attempt to
usurp what is due the Ultimate Creator Authority
(Matthew 4:10), demands unquestioning obedience and is extracted through the
use of fear and frequently even
through physical force (see examples above). Unlike the True reality who
came not to seek power or position (Phil. 2:4-8) spiritual forces hunger for
followers with an insatiable desire to possess, attack, devour and destroy
(Gen. 4:7, I Peter 5:8). For more specific comparison
of counterfeit forms of Christ by spirit powers refer to Appendix 2, “Claims of
Christ” and Appendix 3, “Claims of
Others About Christ and Counterfeit’s Claims.”
What Can We Learn from Thai Folk
Buddhists?
How can followers of
Christ better communicate the good news of Jesus in a society which says that, “to be Thai is to be Buddhist?” With a clear
understanding of what Thai Folk Buddhism actually is there are some contextualization tools from which we can
learn. For those from within the Thai Folk Buddhist context this is already
natural. In his book, Poles Apart, Dr. John Davis, gives four cautions for those doing
contextualization. These are: no idolatry, no immorality, no injustice and no individualism (Davis 1998:21-22).
Dr. Paul Hiebert outlines four steps24 in a process he terms “critical contextualization.”
These steps allow for a critical way to understand worldview, communicate understandably and allow
for transformation (Hiebert 1999:22).
What can be learned
from Thai Folk Buddhists? Four major concepts arise: 1) the need
for a holistic
approach, 2) that communication involves all major signal systems, 3) that the barriers to allowing Christ to fully enter into a culture
are primarily social and not religious and 4) a recognition of the reality of the spirit world and its so-called
powers. Each of these areas deserves further explanation.
The Need for a Holistic Approach.
24 4 Steps in
Critical Contextualization:
Step 1 Phenomenological Analysis – Learn from
people what they do & why, Step 2 Ontological Reflections – test the truth
from scripture & objective reality (life), Step 3 Critical Evaluation –
Make decisions based on truth in #2, Step 4 Missiological Transformations,
Result: Critical contextualization. (Hiebert 1999:22)
Animists see their
beliefs as a foundational part of the whole of life. Their monistic worldview sees no dichotomy between the natural and the
spirit world. They do not compartmentalize their life like many western linear-thinking cultures. How does Christ relate
to the rest of life? Does he care
about my rice crop? Will he be able to act on my behalf in a way that I now ask
the spirits to do? Communication of
the gospel with Folk Buddhists must integrate physical aspects, social aspects and spiritual aspects of life in
order to reach the whole person.
Individualistic
thought forms are diametrically opposed to animistic perspectives. While
individualists believe they can chart their own courses, animists believe
that
they are living in an inter-connected world. They feel intimately connected to their
families, some of whom are living and
some of whom have already passed on to a spiritual realm. Animists
also believe they are connected to the spiritual
world. Gods, spirits, ancestors, and
ghosts pervade the world, and their
ambivalent
yearnings affect the living. Animists frequently feel a connectedness with nature...The
animist believes that no person can live as an individual, separate
and apart from his extended family, spiritual powers, nature or thoughts of
other human beings. Animists live in an interconnected universe (Van
Rheenen
1991:131).
Communication
Involves All Signal Systems
Every culture uses
signal systems to communicate. The twelve basic systems used are described by Donald Smith as verbal, written, numeric,
pictorial, audio, artifactual, kinesic, optical, tactile, spatial, temporal, olfactory. These are in order
of decreasing consciousness of use and increasing degrees of believability. 83% of the information
we receive comes through seeing; 11% we receive through hearing; 1.5% from
touch (tactile) and 1% from taste and 3.5% from smell (Smith 1992:162-3). The sensory systems seeing,
hearing (including spoken and musical), touch and olfactory are discussed as well as two more important signal systems
often overlooked by western
cross-cultural workers: the spacial and the temporal signal systems. These
general categories can be used as a
way to evaluate communication with Thai Folk Buddhists.
Seeing: When
a Folk Buddhist hears about Jesus what does he or she see? If a non-local is
the communicator
of the message a wide range of messages will be sent which are unrelated to the
message. Is the speaker selling something?
Is the speaker trustworthy? How can the speaker help me with what I need? Is there a picture of Jesus that conveys him
clearly to the receptor?
When a Folk Buddhist
is invited to church what does he or she see? Is the setting familiar enough to be comfortable for an outsider of the
church? Are there furnishings that speak of his or her culture or are there foreign furnishings? If so, why? Are there
things there that clearly communicate
to outsiders or are they only “insider friendly”? When people worship what do they do? What artifacts are visible? Are candles
and incense present? What does their absence say to a person from that culture?
The following is an example of
critical contextualization in the area of ascertaining appropriateness
of use of an artifact, in this case a boiled egg, from the traditional
northeastern Thai Folk Buddhist wedding ceremony. Can it be used
in a Christian wedding?
A
boiled egg (placed in the blessing bowl earlier) is shelled and cut in half.
The
bride
and the groom then feed each other one half of the egg and then they have to eat it
down quickly to symbolize that marriage is not such an easy proposition. It is
like trying to swallow boiled egg with no water to wash it down. This actually has a
very good meaning but the problem comes when the egg is used to predict the
future of the couple. All the stages of this event are interpreted. From the peeling
of the shell to the cutting of the egg even to the feeding and the chewing and
swallowing are all used as means to determine how stable the marriage will be...Because
of all this fortune telling we have had to say no, we cannot use the egg.
We use what is meaningful but nothing that is idolatrous. We explain that we
believe the lives of this couple are in the hands of God and pray for his blessing
upon them (Wechkama in DeNeui 2001:39-40).
Hearing:
What language does Jesus speak?
Does he speak ancient Sanskrit which requires translation? Or can his words be truly understood by mortals? Consider
what does it mean for a Thai Folk
Buddhist to hear a sermon. Typically, a Thai would go to the Buddhist wat25 and listen
to the sermon in order to make merit for the soul. The purpose of listening to
chanting in Bali or Sanskrit is not to convey communication of meaning but for
the transferenceof merit through the hearing of the sounds. The
words themselves are considered sacred and powerful, meritorious for the soul. What happens, in this case, when an individual
with a person with this mindset is
placed in a “Christian” context? He or she sits on a pew in a “church”, listens
to a
“ sermon”
and doesn’t necessarily understand the meaning of what was said. What is the
effect? That person leaves thinking, “So what if I don’t understand anything.
I’ve just made merit the Christian way.”
For western
missionaries there is a great need to rediscover the breadth included in the
meaning of the term kerygma. The unfortunate generalisation that this term
refers specifically to monologue
preaching style is a misrepresentation of the text. Most of the uses of the
word
“ preach” found in the New
Testament can be better translated with the word “communicate” (Kraft 1991:28). Interactive dialogue teaching may
allow more effective communication.
What happens at the end
of a prayer? Is there a term used which communicates to the worldview of the Thai Folk Buddhists that the prayer is now
over? Can the Thai Buddhist word, “Saatu” (meaning, “so be it”) be used to indicate the
end of the prayer?
Music: What
type of music speaks to the heart of the Thai Folk Buddhist? Some types of
music are
used to call up spirits and others to simply lend a joyous atmosphere to a
social event. Do the instruments carry
spiritual meaning? Can they be dedicated for the service of God? Writing new lyrics for traditional tunes has been done
effectively. Even better are when local musicians are
enabled to write new styles of
music that still retain the cultural appeal and flavor but are distinctively
of the family of faith (King 1999:59). The creative ability of God is not
limited by any culture or musical genre.
25
Wat is the Thai word for temple
Sense
of Touch: How do people from Thai Folk Buddhist cultures touch each other? Are
there culturally appropriate forms that
indicate genuine physical closeness? What does string –tying a blessing in the name of Jesus communicate to Thai
Folk Buddhists? Many who have experienced
it have felt it was the first time they could be a Christian and still be a
Thai.
Sense
of Taste and Smell: What is the
staple of life for the community involved? Is it possible to use this as the elements for communion?
According to Smith, the communication system which most profoundly speaks to the heart and is most believed is the
olfactory! Is it any wonder why
Christ commanded that we eat his body and drink his blood regularly to remember
him?
Spacial
and Temporal Issues
According to Donald Smith
the use of the spacial and temporal signal systems are the next most highly credible forms of communication among humans
after the olfactory yet how often are these communication styles ignored.
Spacial: How do Thai Folk Buddhists normally use the space
around them? How far apart or close together do people need to be to
effectively communicate? What is the body language that is used in communication? What is the physical
posture which communicates prayer to a Folk Buddhist? Is prayer within the Christian community done in a way which
Folk Buddhists understand? Do they
touch palms together and raise the hands in a gesture that communicates reverence for God or do they do something else? If
so, what does it communicate? It often involves
the making of a vow which would be fulfilled if the request is granted. Can
these forms, both the physical body
language and the verbal spoke terms (see prayer above), be redeemed and be used
in order to meaningfully express communication with the Creator God?
Temporal:
What is the attitude of the Thai
Folk Buddhist towards the use of time? Is there a feeling that time is limited and conversations
should be rushed or not? One Thai Christian leader included this as part of his testimony,
I
always knew that the Christian missionaries had something important to say. They
left their homelands and the life style from their countries and spent lots of
money to come all the way
to Thailand. They spent lots of time and effort going to language classes and trying to learn our language.
I knew they had a significant
message to communicate but
what I couldn’t fi gure out was: if it was so important why did they have to try and say it all in the first ten minutes?26
Most
Barriers are Social not Religious
Along with employing a wholistic
approach, and using all the signal systems in communication there
is an urgent need to recognize that for most Thai Folk Buddhists the barriers
to Christ which they experience are not religious but social.
The so-called “religious tenets” of their faith are
relative! If cultural barriers do not exist or can be minimized, then social
barriers must next be examined. Are the methods of communication Jesus Christ
to Thai Folk Buddhists bringing
26 Dr.
Nanthachai Mejudhon, at the Isaan Congress, October 2000, Khon Kaen, Thailand.
people together in
community, a high cultural value in Thailand, or are they pulling people away from a sense of community towards a more western
individualism?
Often communication is
focused on individual conversion. This is problematic when working in the Thai Folk Buddhist context in which, even
today, many major decisions are decided in a group.
Conversion theology is an inadequate model for
converting animists for two reasons.
First, conversion in animistic contexts frequently is not individualistic..Decisions
to come to Christ might be made by a group of people interacting with each other and with God..A lengthy discussion precedes
any response to the gospel message. The individuals in the group significantly
influence
each other to accept or reject the Christian message. Second, and more significant, the content of the biblical message
encompasses more than
conversion. The message to the animist must present
a God who sent his Son not only to
bring salvation from sin (Luke 19:10) but also to destroy the works of Satan (I John 3:8) (Van Rheenen 1991:131).
Once the new believer
is part of a community of faith in Jesus Christ how are social needs integrated into worship and community? A sense of
ceremony is extremely important to Thai people. As Rev. Tongpan Phrommedda from the Isaan (northeast region) of
Thailand explained, `Why do we need ceremonies? You need to understand this
part of Isaan27 culture. Ceremony is the traditional way in our culture to officially mark a new beginning. If
there is no ceremony then there has
been no new beginning. If we do a ceremony, then it means we have now received
or started something new. These ceremonies address our cultural need to show
that something has begun. They come
from our cultural background and address the deep need we have as Isaan people to show `beginning” (Phrommedda in DeNeui
2001:35).
Ceremony can take many
forms beside the traditional two sacraments of baptism and communion.
However the importance of regular communion in a sacramental society cannot be
overstated. Several churches in Thailand celebrate community weekly at every
worship service; anything less would be to
abuse by omission one of the strongest symbolic social activities in which the follower of Jesus can participate.
The Animist is a member of a sacramental society.
At his many praying-places he often
takes part in ceremonies which involve a common meal and food shared with spirits. It is pathetic to find that so often,
when a man becomes a Christian and
has renounced spirit-worship, he is only able to attend a service of Holy
Communion
two or three times a year. ..The Animist has a genius for sacramental worship, and everything should be done to see that
it find its fullest expression in the
Christian rite (Harris 1960: 61-62).
27 Isaan is the Thai word for the language, people
and geographic area of northeast Thailand. It is a distinct people group of
approximately twenty million people. Among themselves Isaan people refer to
each other, their language and
culture as Lao thus explaining the frequent references in this seminar to
`Lao.” Isaan people are culturally linked with the lowland Lao across
the Mekong river.
Recognizing
The Reality of Power in the Spirit World
Perhaps what Thai
Folk Buddhism can best teach cross-cultural workers who seek to follow and communicate Christ is the recognition of the reality
of the power found in the spirit world. I Corinthians 4:20 says, “For the kingdom of God is not just a matter of
fancy talk; it is living by God’s
power” (NLT). It was because of a need for power that many sought out animistic
practices in the first place. What is
the attitude of the cross-cultural worker to be?
It is easy to go to
either extreme. Many westerners come from a perspective that the realities of
the spirit world are
trivial and either deny their existence or minimize them. Others focus on
them too much. The scripture gives guidelines that these
realities should not be ignored.
Ephesians 6:10-20 warns us that we must be alert to
discern spiritual reality
behind
human facades. Ephesians 6:12 says, “For our struggle is not against flesh and blood
(human beings), but against the rulers, against the authorities, against the
powers of this dark world and against the spiritual forces of evil in the
heavenly
realms.” Verses 18 -20 identify one of the most effective weapons to use in
spiritual warfare: intercessory prayer.
Studying
these passages leads to an important principle regarding spiritual warfare:
Physical situations may well be caused, controlled, or
instigated by spiritual beings.
You
can see that discernment is necessary in spiritual warfare, and that one must avoid
the twofold spiritual warfare problem. Maintaining dynamic balance between
the two extremes takes discernment. A leader must heed two cautions concerning
the spiritual warfare process item. Don’t underestimate and
don’t overestimate the spiritual warfare behind
every situation. God will give the necessary discernment as the
leader is open to learn (Clinton 1998:112).
There are many
excellent resources in this area which can be read and reviewed28
but none will compare to a personal
understanding that God has empowered each of his servants to the task to which he calls him or her. This includes not only
the natural abilities and acquired skills but also the spiritual gifts that encompass word gifts,
gifts demonstrating love and gifts demonstrating power (Clinton and Clinton 1998:40). We are unfaithful to his calling if
any of these areas are ignored. There
are many Folk Buddhists that remain enslaved to spirit powers, even those in churches all throughout the world.
Father Niran became a follower of
Jesus and led many in his village to also follow Jesus. Upon his
conversion, however, he no longer played the kaen. He
seemed unable to learn any new tunes upon this indigenous
musical instrument which was used in the weekly worship of Jesus in his
village. He continued to be unable to eat any winged meat or simply refused to.
When he did he still complained of intestinal discomfort. When
his wife demanded that he become a Buddhist monk
for three days in order that he fulfill a vow she had made (to Buddha) he
agreed, much to
28
Refer to Anderson 1990 and Kraft 1992. There are several other helps available
on this topic.
the chagrin of his
local fellowship. Afterwards his feelings of shame kept him from rejoining the church and he continued to show some enslavement
to spirit forces.
Conclusion
Animistic practices
have existed long before God called Abraham to be a blessing to all nations. These same practices, dressed in modern garb,
continue in our day and show no sign of demise. Even the Gentile believers in the days of the early church came from
this tradition. “Most early converts
into the Christian church in Gentile contexts were also animistic. Michael
Green asks what attracted the ordinary
Gentiles to Christianity in the early church and concludes that “perhaps
the greatest single factor which appealed to the man in the street was
deliverance from demons, from Fate, from
magic” (Green 1970:123). Have we learned how to communicate Christ in an animistic worldview?
Many efforts to bring
Christ to the Thai Folk Buddhist worldview show that God’s spirit is working
throughout the kingdom of Thailand and all over the world. Today there is a
need for a measuring tool to use to help
decide how far contextualization of the gospel in the church has truly progressed. Appendix 4 is one attempt to
provide this type of a spectrum scale.
May God give us
willingness to be effective servants, willing to learn from our Thai Folk Buddhist friends and neighbors and to experience
his grace in wisdom and in power.
Grandma Somlii was in the midst of her most vivid
nightmare. She felt the actual pressure upon her chest that the spirits were
going to kill her. Just as she felt all must end she saw a white light and
heard a voice which said, calmly, “Do not be afraid. I am coming to you.” She
had no idea who it was. The next week two
Thai believers came to her from the direction of the white light and began to talk. She accepted their message of
freedom through Jesus Christ. That night her nightmare returned again
but at the peak of her physical pain she cried out, “Jesus, Help me!” The pressure was released immediately. When she
woke the next day she had no further memory of the medicinal recipes
which had formerly employed and enslaved her. She purged her yard of any
remnants of any more herbal plants much to the ridicule of neighbors. She told
them, “The spirits were always hungry. God
always wants to give.”
“Take a firm stand against the
Devil, and be strong in your faith,
Remember that your Christian brothers and sisters all
over the world
are going through the same kind of suffering you are.”
I Peter 5:9 NLT
Appendix
2 Christ’s Claims and the Counterfeit’s Claims
|
Verse
|
Jesus’
Claims
|
Comments
|
Animism’s
Claims
|
|
Matthew
8:3
|
I am
willing to act, to heal
|
Christ
desires to benefit us
|
Spirits
Need Persuading
|
|
Matthew
9:2
|
Your sins
are forgiven
|
Deals with
heart issues
|
Appears to
deal w/ issues
|
|
Matthew
9:28
|
Do
you believe I am able to do this?
|
Christ can
do the miraculous
|
Spirits can
do miracles
|
|
Matt.
11:28
|
I’m gentle, humble in heart
|
Side by
side with us in life
|
Easily
offended, above us
|
|
Matthew
28:20
|
I am with
you always
|
An
ever-present source of help
|
Presence
comes and goes
|
|
|
(also in
Acts 18:10)
|
|
|
|
Mark
14:62
|
I am the
Christ, son of Most High
|
Full
authority revealed
|
Unknown
source or position
|
|
|
God
|
|
|
|
Luke
23:43
|
I assure
you: Today you will be
|
Assures
us that he is able to take
|
Appears
able to help lead us to
|
|
|
with me in
paradise.
|
us to
heaven with him
|
heaven
|
|
John
6:35, 51
|
I am
the bread of life, the living bread
|
Source and
sustainer of life
|
Appearance
of sustaining life
|
|
John
8:12
|
I am
the light of the world, Light of life
|
Those who are in Jesus are not in darkness
|
Appearance
of light
|
|
John
8:23
|
I am from
above
|
Christ
comes from heaven
|
From lower
realm
|
|
John
8:49
|
I am not
demon-possessed
|
Empowered
by God
|
Empowered by Father of demons
|
|
|
|
Omnipresent
|
|
|
John
8:58
|
Before
Abraham was, I am
|
Always
existed
|
Unknown
origin
|
|
John
9:5
|
I am the
light of the world
|
A light in
the last times
|
Appearance
of light
|
|
John
10:7,8
|
I am the
gate...whoever enters
|
Takes us in
and moves us on to
|
Appears
to be only hope, only
|
|
|
through me
is saved.
|
salvation
|
way to get
help
|
|
John
10:11,14
|
I am the
good shepherd
|
Beneficent on our behalf
|
Assists
those who pay
|
|
John
10:30
|
I and the
Father are one
|
Christ is
one with God
|
Unknown
linkages
|
|
John
11:25
|
I am
the resurrection and the life, he who believes in me will live
|
As source of life, he is able to give life to others.
|
Helps as long as attended to, necessary
but not “good”
|
|
John
13:13,14
|
I am
teacher, Lord and servant
|
He gave us
an example
|
Not a servant but to be served and then will help
|
|
John
14:6
|
I am the
way, truth, the life
|
Only one,
unique
|
One of many
|
|
John
14:20
|
I am in my
Father, You are in me
|
We become
one in God through
|
Spirits dwell in people but not
|
|
|
and I am in
you
|
Christ
|
one with
them
|
|
John
14:21
|
I love
those who obey me
|
Basis of
relationship is love
|
Basis
of relationship is slavery
|
|
John
15:1,5
|
I am the
vine, the true vine
|
Christ is
the source
|
Appearance
of source
|
|
Rev.
1:17,18
|
I am the
First and the Last (also
|
Beginning
and End
|
One of
many, not unique
|
|
|
21:6)
|
|
|
|
Rev.
2:23
|
I search
hearts and minds
|
Knows us better than we know ourselves
|
Perceives but doesn’t read minds or
hearts
|
|
Rev.
22:16
|
I
am the Root, David’s offspring, Morning Star
|
Tied
to a history of promise
|
Linked with a history of curse and destruction.
|
Appendix
3. Claims of Others About Christ and the Counterfeit’s Claims
|
Verse
|
Scriptural
Claims About Christ
|
Comments
|
Claims
of Animism
|
|
Luke
24:6
|
He is
not dead, he is risen
|
Victorious
over death
|
Victory
over present problems
|
|
John 5:21
|
He gives
life
|
Life is in
his control
|
Apparent
control over life
|
|
John 1:14
|
He became
one of us
|
God made
flesh
|
Flesh
appearing god-like
|
|
John
9:35-37
|
He is the
son of Man
|
All we have
to do is confess
|
Appeasement
available at price.
|
|
Acts 4:11
|
He is the
stone the builders rejected
|
Didn’t appear as people thought he
should
|
No personal
change.
|
|
Acts 17:27
|
He is not
far from any of us
|
Close,
readily available
|
Sought out,
not rejected
|
|
2 Cor 5:17
|
In Christ
one is a new creation
|
Process
begins w/ relationship
|
Available at a price, distant
|
|
2 Cor 12:10
|
He’s strong when we’re weak
|
He is
intimately involved
|
Not a relationship, nothing new, deeper
enslavement
|
|
Eph 5:23
|
Christ is Head of the Church, Savior
|
He has
supremacy over all
|
Strong when
we ask for help
|
|
Col 1:17
|
In Him all
things hold together
|
Compassionate,
understanding
|
Unknown
hierarchy of spirits
|
|
Col 1:18
|
He is the
firstborn from the dead
|
Wants to
intercede for us
|
Holds fate
and future
|
|
Heb 2:18
|
He is able to help those being tempted
|
Takes care
of everything
|
Appearance
of supremacy
|
|
Heb. 7:25
|
He is able
to save completely
|
He did it
all for us
|
Able to
help the powerless
|
|
Heb. 8:6
|
He is
mediator
|
This is a
hope for believers
|
Able to
save specifically
|
|
I Peter
1:16
|
He is holy, therefore be holy like him
|
Hope of
transformation
|
Requires a
medium
|
|
I John 1:7
|
Blood of Jesus purifies us from all sin
|
He sought
us out
|
Not holy,
nor model to be like
|
|
I John 1:9
|
He is
faithful and just to forgive
|
He did what
we cannot
|
Pays debt,
does not purify
|
|
|
|
|
Need to
repay repeatedly
|
|
I John 2:2
|
He is the atoning sacrifice for us and the whole world
|
Desire our
best for us
|
May or may
not forgive
|
|
I John 2:29
|
He is righteous and makes us same
When we see him we’ll be like him
|
And helps
us get there
|
We must
make sacrifice,
|
|
I John
3:1,2
|
He loved us first and sent his son for us
|
Able to
transform
|
One by one
|
|
I John 4:10
|
He is King
of Kings and Lord of
|
He
initiated the relationship
|
Helps but
doesn’t make us right
|
|
|
Lords
|
|
No one
wants to see or be like s
|
|
Rev. 17:14
|
He will
defeat all foes
|
Ultimate
authority
|
People must
seek out the spirits
|
|
|
|
Ultimate
victory
|
Ultimate
enemy, ultimate losers
|
Appendix 4
Contextualizing the C1 to C6 Spectrum for
Folk Buddhism:
A Practical Tool for
Defining the Body of Christ
Expressed in Six Types Among Believers of Folk Buddhist Backgrounds
Anyone struggling with
issues of cross-cultural evangelism in the Muslim context is familiar with the
concept of the C1-C6 spectrum. This scale first appeared as a sidebar in an
article entitled, “Danger! New
Directions in Contextualization” by Phil Parshall in the October 1998 issue of the Evangelical
Missions Quarterly (Vol. 34 No.
4: 407-408). The original tool was written
by a John Travis (pseudonym) and was entitled, “The C1 to C6 Spectrum: A
Practical Tool for Defining Six Types
of “Christ -centered Communities” (“C”) Found in the Muslim Context.” The original purpose of the spectrum was
“to assist church planters and Muslim background
believers to ascertain which type of Christ-centered communities may draw the
most people from the target group to
Christ and best fit in a given context” (Travis 1998:407). This scale has been a very helpful and highly debated
tool in its context and the author believes that it can be contextualized for practical use for those
working in the Folk Buddhist world as well.
Folk Buddhism, as
opposed to pure “book” Buddhism, would include animistic or primal religious practices as well as Theravada or
Mahayana Buddhist practice in a syncretistic mix. Often a wide variety of
elements from other belief systems are also incorporated. The acknowledgment
(and in most cases fear) of the spirit world is the starting point from which
is built an understanding and allegiance to the One True God, who is above all
other beings and powers in either the
spirit or the natural world.
The C1-C6 Spectrum is
a tool to understand different approaches to building the Body of Christ among people in the Folk Buddhist world. The six
types in the spectrum are differentiated by language, culture, worship forms, leadership styles, degrees of freedom
to worship with others; and religious
identity. All worship Jesus Christ as Lord and would view the scriptures as
God’s perfect rule for faith, doctrine
and conduct. The spectrum attempts to address the enormous diversity which exists throughout the Folk
Buddhist world in terms of ethnicity, history, traditions, language, culture, and, in some cases, theology.
This diversity means
that myriad approaches are needed to successfully share the gospel and plant communities of faith in Jesus Christ
(collectively known as the Body of Christ) among the nearly one billion people of the world who are strongly
influenced by Folk Buddhism
(Smith 2001:8). The purpose of the
spectrum is to assist church planters and Folk Buddhist background believers to ascertain which type of
Christ-centered communities may most effectively allow Christ to be brought into their cultural world and
best fit in given context. All of these six types are presently found in some
part of the Folk Buddhist world.
The
author makes no claim to originality with this spectrum and remains highly
indebted to Travis for the seed idea. It is the hope that this
effort will begin a process that will allow Jesus Christ
to be clearly communicated and encountered in the many cultures and lives found
in today’s vast Folk Buddhist world.
C1
Traditional Church using National or Outsider Language
May be Orthodox,
Catholic, or Protestant. Thousands of C1 churches are found in Folk Buddhist countries and areas today. Many reflect Western
culture in forms, style, leadership and philosophy. A huge cultural chasm often exists between the church and the
surrounding Folk Buddhist community. Leadership may be Bible-school trained or gifted
local leadership using western style
communication methods. Many of the members, though coming from a Folk Buddhist background, would have been exposed to
western Christianity for some time and therefore
feel at home in this context. C1 believers claim primary allegiance to the one
true God and call themselves
“Christians.”
C2
Traditional Church using Local or Insider Language
Essentially the same
as C1 except for language. Though insider language is used, religious vocabulary
is probably non-Buddhist (distinctively “Christian”). The cultural gap between
Folk Buddhists and C2 is still large.
Leadership may be Bible-school trained or gifted local leadership using
western style communication methods. Many of the members, though coming from a
Folk Buddhist background, would be learning
to understand western Christianity and are becoming more comfortable with it. The majority of churches
located in the Folk Buddhist world today are C1 or C2. C2 believers claim primary allegiance to the one true God and
call themselves “Christians.”
C3
Contextualized Worshipping Communities of Believers in Jesus Christ Employing Insider
Language and Religiously Neutral Insider Cultural Forms
Primarily from
Protestant traditions. Religiously neutral forms may include some local forms
of music (whenever appropriate) or
culturally neutral combinations of local and western instruments, use of artifacts, time, space,
artwork, architecture, furniture (sitting on mats). Folk Buddhist elements (where present) are “filtered
out” so as to use purely “cultural forms. The aim is to reduce foreign-ness of the gospel and the
church by contextualizing to biblically permissible cultural forms. Leadership may be a gifted lay
person who may or may not have Bible school training. Forms of Bible teaching may be preaching or Bible discussion.
The members would come from a Folk
Buddhist background and most would not be familiar with Christianity but would be learning about it. May meet in a church
building or more religiously neutral location (homes or sala). C3 believers claim primary allegiance to the one true
God and call themselves “Christians.”
C4
Contextualized Worshipping communities of Believers in Jesus Employing Insider Language
and Biblically Permissible Cultural and Folk Buddhist Forms.
Similar to C3, however, biblically
permissible Folk Buddhist forms and practices are also utilized
(e.g. hands together for prayer, saying “Satoo” at the end of prayers, dance in
worship, using rice at communion, etc.). Western cultural forms as
found in C1 and C2 are avoided. Meetings are not held in
western-style church buildings but generally in homes or public meeting areas..
Leadership may be a gifted lay person who may or may not have formal
western-based
Bible school training.
Forms of Bible teaching would be Bible discussion or other culturally appropriate
forms. C4 communities are comprised almost entirely of Folk Buddhism background
believers who know little of western forms of
Christianity and are not learning about them or adopting them. C4 believers,
though highly contextualized, are usually not seen as Buddhist by the Folk
Buddhist community. C4 believers claim primary allegiance to the one true God
and identify themselves as “Followers
of Jesus”, “Children of God” (or similar terms) and avoid the term “Christian” because of its western
association.
C5
Contextualized Worshipping communities of Folk Buddhists who have Accepted
Jesus as Lord and Savior, Employing Local Language and
Capturing Non-Neutral Folk Buddhist Forms for use in
Communicating the Gospel.
C5 believers remain
socially within the community of Folk Buddhists. Aspects of Folk Buddhism which are incompatible with the Bible are
rejected, or reinterpreted if possible (use of string-tying in various
ceremonies, for example). Meetings are not held in western-style church buildings but generally in homes or public meeting
areas. Participation by C5 Believers in some Buddhist and animist functions varies from person to person and group to
group. C5 believers meet regularly
with other C5 believers and share their faith with unsaved Folk Buddhists. Folk
Buddhists may see C5 believers as not
being real Buddhists because they do not seek means of making merit or appeasing spirits as other Folk
Buddhists do. C5 believers can, however, participate in some of these functions “in the name of Jesus.” C5
believer communities are comprised entirely of believers who come from
Folk Buddhist backgrounds and know little about western forms of Christianity and are not learning about them or adopting
them. Leadership may be a gifted lay
person who usually does not have formal western-based Bible school training. Forms of Bible teaching would be Bible discussion
or other culturally appropriate forms. C5 believers claim primary allegiance to the one true God and are viewed as
Folk Buddhists who have Jesus by the
Folk Buddhist community. They refer to themselves as “Children of God” or a similar name. They would claim not to be accepting,
following or practicing Christianity but following Jesus Christ.
C6
Small Christ-centered communities of Secret/Underground Believers.
Similar
to persecuted believers suffering under totalitarian regimes. Due to fear,
isolation, or threat of extreme governmental/community legal action or
retaliation (including capitol punishment), C6 believers worship
Christ secretly (individually or perhaps infrequently in small clusters).
Many come to Christ through visions, dreams, miracles, radio broadcasts,
tracts, Christian witness while abroad, or reading the Bible on
their own initiative. C6 (as opposed to C5)
believers are usually silent about their faith. C6 is not ideal; God desires
his people to witness and to have regular fellowship (Heb.
10:25). Nonetheless C6 believers are part of our family
in Christ. Though God may call some to a life of suffering, imprisonment, or
martyrdom, he may be pleased to have some worship him in
secret, at least for a time. C6 believers claim primary
allegiance to the one true God but are perceived as Buddhists by the Buddhist community
and would identify themselves as Buddhists.
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Editor’s
Note: Material published with permission. Material has been re -published from
a volume entitled Sharing Jesus in the Buddhist World, edited by David Lim and Steve Spaulding, William Carey
Library Publishers: CA, 2003.
